① Judicial Precedent Essay

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Judicial Precedent Essay



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Legal System \u0026 Method - Chapter 2: Judicial Precedent (Degree - Year 1)

It therefore belongs to them to ascertain its meaning, as well as the meaning of any particular act proceeding from the legislative body. If there should happen to be an irreconcilable variance between the two, that which has the superior obligation and validity ought, of course, to be preferred; or, in other words, the Constitution ought to be preferred to the statute, the intention of the people to the intention of their agents.

This case is all about the power of the Supreme Court as outlined in the Constitution in relationship to the other two branches. So what does the Constitution say is the job of the Supreme Court? Students will read Article III, Section 2 of the Constitution and collect information in order to explain what they believe to be the job of the Supreme Court as defined in the Constitution. The short video below addresses the debate that occurred over judicial review at the time. Students should read this background piece about Marbury v. Madison to get an overview of the details and complexities of the case. The teacher should pose these questions to students to ensure understanding of the background reading:.

What did John Marshall write about the power of the Supreme Court in the actual decision? In groups, with partners, or alone, students will do a close textual analysis of excerpts of the decision to understand Marshall's argument. They may use class time or analyze these excerpts as homework; a final discussion in-class will check students' understanding and sum up. Part 1: What is the relationship of the Constitution to ordinary laws? Students will read these paragraphs and collect information in order to provide an explanation of Marshall's point of view on this question. Teachers may want to explore the differences between a Constitution and statutory law, at this time, if it is something with which their students are not familiar.

Excerpted from Marbury v. Madison :. The question whether an act repugnant to the Constitution can become the law of the land is a question deeply interesting to the United States, but, happily, not of an intricacy proportioned to its interest. It seems only necessary to recognize certain principles, supposed to have been long and well established, to decide it. That the people have an original right to establish for their future government such principles as, in their opinion, shall most conduce to their own happiness is the basis on which the whole American fabric has been erected. The exercise of this original right is a very great exertion; nor can it nor ought it to be frequently repeated. The principles, therefore, so established are deemed fundamental.

And as the authority from which they proceed, is supreme, and can seldom act, they are designed to be permanent. This original and supreme will organizes the government and assigns to different departments their respective powers. It may either stop here or establish certain limits not to be transcended by those departments. The Government of the United States is of the latter description. The powers of the Legislature are defined and limited; and that those limits may not be mistaken or forgotten, the Constitution is written. To what purpose are powers limited, and to what purpose is that limitation committed to writing, if these limits may at any time be passed by those intended to be restrained? The distinction between a government with limited and unlimited powers is abolished if those limits do not confine the persons on whom they are imposed, and if acts prohibited and acts allowed are of equal obligation.

It is a proposition too plain to be contested that the Constitution controls any legislative act repugnant to it, or that the Legislature may alter the Constitution by an ordinary act. Between these alternatives there is no middle ground. The Constitution is either a superior, paramount law, unchangeable by ordinary means, or it is on a level with ordinary legislative acts, and, like other acts, is alterable when the legislature shall please to alter it. If the former part of the alternative be true, then a legislative act contrary to the Constitution is not law; if the latter part be true, then written Constitutions are absurd attempts on the part of the people to limit a power in its own nature illimitable.

Certainly all those who have framed written Constitutions contemplate them as forming the fundamental and paramount law of the nation, and consequently the theory of every such government must be that an act of the Legislature repugnant to the Constitution is void. This theory is essentially attached to a written Constitution, and is consequently to be considered by this Court as one of the fundamental principles of our society. It is not, therefore, to be lost sight of in the further consideration of this subject.

If an act of the Legislature repugnant to the Constitution is void, does it, notwithstanding its invalidity, bind the Courts and oblige them to give it effect? Or, in other words, though it be not law, does it constitute a rule as operative as if it was a law? This would be to overthrow in fact what was established in theory, and would seem, at first view, an absurdity too gross to be insisted on.

It shall, however, receive a more attentive consideration. Based on their analysis, students will collect information to inform a rewriting of the paragraphs within this section, and then summarize what Marshall is saying. Those who apply the rule to particular cases, must of necessity expound and interpret that rule. If two laws conflict with each other, the courts must decide on the operation of each. So if a law be in opposition to the constitution; if both the law and the constitution apply to a particular case, so that the court must either decide that case conformably to the law, disregarding the constitution; or conformably to the constitution, disregarding the law; the court must determine which of these conflicting rules governs the case.

This is of the very essence of judicial duty. If, then, the courts are to regard the constitution, and the constitution is superior to any ordinary act of the legislature, the constitution, and not such ordinary act, must govern the case to which they both apply. Those then who controvert the principle that the constitution is to be considered, in court, as a paramount law, are reduced to the necessity of maintaining that the courts must close their eyes on the constitution, and see only the law. This doctrine would subvert the very foundation of all written constitutions.

It would declare that an act which, according to the principles and theory of our government, is entirely void, is yet, in practice, completely obligatory. It would declare that if the legislature shall do what is expressly forbidden, such act, notwithstanding the express prohibition, is in reality effectual. It would be giving to the legislature a practical and real omnipotence, with the same breath which professes to restrict their powers within narrow limits. It is prescribing limits, and declaring that those limits may be passed at pleasure. That it thus reduces to nothing what we have deemed the greatest improvement on political institutions — a written constitution — would of itself be sufficient, in America, where written constitutions have been viewed with so much reverence, for rejecting the construction.

But the peculiar expressions of the constitution of the United States furnish additional arguments in favour of its rejection. Could it be the intention of those who gave this power, to say that in using it the constitution should not be looked into? That a case arising under the constitution should be decided without examining the instrument under which it arises? Thus, the particular phraseology of the constitution of the United States confirms and strengthens the principle, supposed to be essential to all written constitutions, that a law repugnant to the constitution is void; and that courts, as well as other departments, are bound by that instrument.

Part III: Once students have analyzed the excerpts, the teacher should lead a discussion to ensure that ALL students have grasped the scope and significance of Marshall's decision. Teachers may want to consider these questions, among others:. Did Marshall's ideas about judicial review have support from other Founders? Students will read a collection of views on Federalist 78, to develop a position on Judicial Review. As another option, teachers may want their students to read Federalist 78 in its entirety. At the time the decision in Marbury v. Madison was made and since then, opponents have challenged the Supreme Court's power to interpret the Constitution. In , Marshall answered one of his critics, Senator Richard M.

Johnson, who thought it should take more than a simple majority of the Supreme Court to declare a law unconstitutional. Historians, lawyers, and judges are meeting to discuss the history of judicial review and you have been invited to give a presentation on the topic. Your presentation can be delivered as a paper, a multimedia storyboard, in character as a member of the U. Excerpt from Jefferson's First Inaugural Address:. All, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will, to be rightful, must be reasonable; that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal laws must protect, and to violate which would be oppression.

Let us, then, fellow citizens, unite with one heart and one mind. Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things. And let us reflect that having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions.

As long as there is no abolition of state governments, something that is not proposed by the Constitution, the government is indeed a confederation. Hamilton concludes his essay with an example of the Lycian confederacy, a government that existed with representation based on the size of the population. Montesquieu, speaking of this association, said: "were I to give a model of an excellent confederate republic, it would be that of Lycia. It is important to understand Alexander Hamilton 's political philosophy in order to clearly view this essay.

During the Constitutional Convention, Hamilton proposed to copy the British constitution as closely as possible. In the first place, he advocated the creation of a senate that would correspond to the House of Lords and represent the wealthy few. Recognizing the impossibility of making this upper house hereditary, Hamilton nevertheless hoped to give it strength and power by electing senators for life. The chief "organ" of Hamilton's "strong souled" government, however, was not its senate but rather its elective king. Finally, he hoped this elective king would be given control of the patronage in order to incentivize the legislature and ensure a steady administration.

His study of England had convinced him that this "corruption" was required for a stable government. This "strong souled" government copied after England's was Hamilton's ideal for America. Only in the establishment of a state that institutionalized in its very organs a "will" independent of the people could the class struggle be allayed in the United States. When the Convention turned Hamilton's scheme down in favor of the more democratic government outlined in the Virginia Plan, he was bitterly disappointed. In July, he left the Convention and returned to Philadelphia only for the last sessions. When he signed the Constitution, he admitted that "no man's ideas were more remote from the plan than [his] were known to be.

It was in this same spirit of disdain, only partially concealed, that Hamilton wrote as Publius, especially in Essay 9. He was never reconciled to the Constitution's "weakness" as long as he lived. Even while he was preparing to write The Federalist Papers , he drew up a private memorandum in which he prophesied its failure unless additional power could be "squeezed out its clauses by interpretation. Federalist 9 indicates clearly that he expected a continual use of military force to be necessary for keeping the rebellious poor in their place. In this essay, the union is advocated because it will permit the use of troops raised in one section of the country to stamp out revolts in other districts, an expedient restored to Hamilton during the Whiskey Rebellion.

It is characteristic of the different outlooks of Alexander Hamilton and James Madison that Hamilton, in this Federalist Paper, advocated the new union because it would make it easier to suppress via military forces such outbreaks as Shay's Rebellion, whereas James Madison, in Federalist 10, argued that the union would prevent the recurrence of any such outbreaks. Hamilton prized the union as an instrument guaranteeing that the rich would win every class struggle; Madison hoped that union would prevent class warfare from being declared in the first place.

This dichotomy is part of the internal conflict of The Federalist Papers , something for which many critics have criticized this document. Yet these two different approaches provide insight into two different aspects of the constitution, allowing both to become important parts of this philosophic document. The Question and Answer section for The Federalist Papers is a great resource to ask questions, find answers, and discuss the novel.

Who published the Federalist Papers?

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